Política nacional de saúde indígena e educação escolar indígena: uma análise de contingências
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2017-03-30
Autores
Silva, Felipe Bulzico da [UNESP]
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Universidade Estadual Paulista (Unesp)
Resumo
O último Censo Demográfico realizado pelo IBGE (2010) com a população indígena brasileira revelou uma ampla diversidade étnica e linguística no país, com estimados 305 povos indígenas e 274 línguas faladas. A despeito dessa diversidade, desde os anos 70, os índios brasileiros têm se mobilizado e assumido um papel cada vez mais proeminente no cenário político, tanto a nível local como nacional. Nesse contexto, a Constituição Federal (CF) de 1988 consolidou o direito dos povos indígenas aos territórios que tradicionalmente ocupam e o reconhecimento de suas especificidades étnico-culturais. A CF/88 estabeleceu a base às legislações indigenistas posteriores de saúde indígena e educação escolar indígena, sobre as quais trata a presente pesquisa. Assim, este estudo objetivou examinar a Portaria nº 254/02 do Ministério da Saúde (MS) – que aprovou a Política Nacional de Atenção à Saúde dos Povos Indígenas (PNASPI) – e o Decreto nº 6.861/09 – que organizou a educação escolar indígena em territórios etnoeducacionais (TEE) – sob a perspectiva das contingências de reforço. Com esse exame, o qual tomou como modelo estudos de outros analistas do comportamento que se debruçaram sobre outros textos legais (CARVALHO, 2013; KUBO; BOTOMÉ, 2002; MARTINS, 2009; SANTOS et al., 2009; TODOROV et al., 2004), pretendeu-se ponderar acerca de alguns dos limites e possibilidades desses documentos, no sentido de quão claras eram suas proposições. Reconheço que o comportamento daqueles em condições de aplicar as recomendações da Portaria e do Decreto presumivelmente não está apenas sob controle do que consta nesses documentos. Contudo, esse reconhecimento não deve diminuir a importância da busca por uma maior clareza na redação desses textos, visto que tais textos também constituem fontes importantes de variáveis a exercer controle sobre o comportamento daqueles a quem eles se destinam. Da leitura do primeiro texto foram inferidas 37 contingências, as quais foram agrupadas, depois dessas inferências, em cinco categorias: organização infraestrutural do modelo de atenção à saúde dos povos indígenas; diretrizes concernentes à atuação profissional de membros das Equipes Multidisciplinares de Saúde Indígena (EMSI); relações entre os territórios indígenas e a questão da saúde; ações específicas em situações especiais e responsabilidades institucionais. Do segundo texto foram inferidas 13 contingências, as quais foram agrupadas, depois dessas inferências, em três categorias: organização do modelo da educação escolar indígena; escolas indígenas e financiamento. A partir do exame feito, o qual foi incipiente e não se arrogou a pretensão de esgotar o assunto, argumentou-se que, embora os documentos objeto de exame representassem avanços importantes em seus respectivos campos, a Portaria sistematizando as recomendações das I, II e III Conferências Nacionais de Saúde Indígena e o Decreto propondo uma inovação da organização do modelo de educação escolar indígena, como limites de ambos os documentos, eles são pouco operacionalizados, ocasionalmente carecendo de explicitação dos três termos de uma contingência e empregando termos gerais, vagos e/ou imprecisos, os quais, como ressaltam Santos et al. (2009), podem impor dificuldades àqueles a quem se destinam as orientações.
The last Demographic Census made by IBGE (2010) with brazilian indigenous people revealed a large ethnic and linguistic diversity, estimating 305 indigenous people and 274 spoken languages. Despite this diversity, since the 70’s, Brazilian Indians have been mobilized themselves and assumed a prominent role in the political arena, both in local and national levels. In this context, the Federal Constitution of 1988 has consolidated the indigenous right concerning to the land that indigenous people traditionally occupy and their ethnical specificities. The Federal Constitution of 1988 established the bases for the formulation of later indigenous legislations concerning to indigenous health and indigenous scholar education, themes of this research. In this sense, this research aimed to examine the Ordinance nº 254/02 – which has approved the National Policy of Indigenous Health – and the Ordinance nº 6.861/09 – which organized the indigenous scholar education in terms of ethnoeducational territories – based on contingency analysis. With this examination, which took as a model studies made by other behavior analysts upon other legal documents (CARVALHO, 2013; KUBO; BOTOMÉ, 2002; MARTINS, 2009; SANTOS et al., 2009; TODOROV et al., 2004), it was hoped to consider some limits and possibilities of both documents, in the sense of how clear were their propositions. I recognize that the behavior of those in conditions to apply the recommendations of both Ordinances presumably is not controlled only by what is written on these legal documents. Nevertheless, this recognition is not reason to diminish the importance of legal texts being clear, since these texts constitute important sources of variables which may control the behavior of those for whom these documents are. The reading of the first text allowed infer 37 contingencies, which were divided, after these inferences, into five categories: infrastructure organization of the model of health attention to indigenous people; guidelines regarding the professional performance of members of the Multidisciplinary Indigenous Health Team; relations between indigenous territories and health; specific actions in special situations, and institutional responsibilities. The second text allowed infer 13 contingencies, divided, after these inferences, into three categories: organization of indigenous scholar education in terms of ethnoeducational territories; indigenous schools, and financing. Based on the exam made, which was incipient and did not arrogate the claim to exhaust the subject, it was argued that, despite both documents represent important advances with respect to their respective areas, the Ordinance nº 254/02 systematizing the recommendations of the I, II and III National Conferences of Indigenous Health and the Ordinance nº 6.861/09 presenting an innovative proposal of organization of the model of indigenous scholar education in terms of ethnoeducational territories, nevertheless, as a limit of both documents, they are little operationalized, occasionally lacking the explanation of the three terms of a contingency and using general, vague and/or imprecise terms, which, according to Santos et al. (2009), can impose difficulties on those for whom the guidelines are.
The last Demographic Census made by IBGE (2010) with brazilian indigenous people revealed a large ethnic and linguistic diversity, estimating 305 indigenous people and 274 spoken languages. Despite this diversity, since the 70’s, Brazilian Indians have been mobilized themselves and assumed a prominent role in the political arena, both in local and national levels. In this context, the Federal Constitution of 1988 has consolidated the indigenous right concerning to the land that indigenous people traditionally occupy and their ethnical specificities. The Federal Constitution of 1988 established the bases for the formulation of later indigenous legislations concerning to indigenous health and indigenous scholar education, themes of this research. In this sense, this research aimed to examine the Ordinance nº 254/02 – which has approved the National Policy of Indigenous Health – and the Ordinance nº 6.861/09 – which organized the indigenous scholar education in terms of ethnoeducational territories – based on contingency analysis. With this examination, which took as a model studies made by other behavior analysts upon other legal documents (CARVALHO, 2013; KUBO; BOTOMÉ, 2002; MARTINS, 2009; SANTOS et al., 2009; TODOROV et al., 2004), it was hoped to consider some limits and possibilities of both documents, in the sense of how clear were their propositions. I recognize that the behavior of those in conditions to apply the recommendations of both Ordinances presumably is not controlled only by what is written on these legal documents. Nevertheless, this recognition is not reason to diminish the importance of legal texts being clear, since these texts constitute important sources of variables which may control the behavior of those for whom these documents are. The reading of the first text allowed infer 37 contingencies, which were divided, after these inferences, into five categories: infrastructure organization of the model of health attention to indigenous people; guidelines regarding the professional performance of members of the Multidisciplinary Indigenous Health Team; relations between indigenous territories and health; specific actions in special situations, and institutional responsibilities. The second text allowed infer 13 contingencies, divided, after these inferences, into three categories: organization of indigenous scholar education in terms of ethnoeducational territories; indigenous schools, and financing. Based on the exam made, which was incipient and did not arrogate the claim to exhaust the subject, it was argued that, despite both documents represent important advances with respect to their respective areas, the Ordinance nº 254/02 systematizing the recommendations of the I, II and III National Conferences of Indigenous Health and the Ordinance nº 6.861/09 presenting an innovative proposal of organization of the model of indigenous scholar education in terms of ethnoeducational territories, nevertheless, as a limit of both documents, they are little operationalized, occasionally lacking the explanation of the three terms of a contingency and using general, vague and/or imprecise terms, which, according to Santos et al. (2009), can impose difficulties on those for whom the guidelines are.
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Saúde indígena, Educação escolar indígena, Análise do comportamento, Documentos oficiais, Antropologia, Indigenous health, Indigenous scholar education, Behavior analysis, Official documents, Anthropology