Religiosidade neopentecostal metainstitucional: uma religiosidade sem limites
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Data
2019-09-25
Autores
Morais, Edson Elias de [UNESP]
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Universidade Estadual Paulista (Unesp)
Resumo
Tivemos por objetivo analisar a religiosidade evangélica brasileira e revisitar as tipologias clássicas que sedimentam a maioria das pesquisas, senão todas, sobre o campo evangélico. Foi na década de 1990 que se produziram inéditas pesquisas sobre a diversidade religiosa do mundo evangélico, principalmente a partir da consolidação das igrejas que ficaram conhecidas como neopentecostais. A tese de Doutorado de Paul Freston e a Dissertação de Mestrado de Ricardo Mariano se tornaram referências obrigatórias para se compreender a evolução, os desdobramentos e a diversidade do mundo evangélico. As tipologias criadas para ordenar e classificar os vários grupos evangélicos naquele momento, estavam fundamentadas na Sociologia Compreensiva de Max Weber e, como se sabe, elas não podem ser entendidas como categorias ontológicas, mas como instrumentos analíticos da realidade, portanto não podem se cristalizar e se desistoricizar. A problemática parte desta questão, visto que inúmeras pesquisas, desde então, utilizam as mesmas tipologias sem fazer as devidas ressalvas, não esclarecendo as modificações na prática religiosa dos fieis em muitas igrejas locais que, em não poucos casos, as colocam em xeque. Não tivemos por objetivo reconstruir tais tipologias, mas questionamos sua capacidade heurística para explicar as atuais manifestações religiosas no campo evangélico, posto que as transformações culturais tem conseguido borrar cada vez mais as fronteiras identitárias e denominacionais destas igrejas. Ao invés de maior diversidade, partimos da hipótese de que a religiosidade neopentecostal tem sido assimilada em diferentes graus pelas demais igrejas evangélicas, caracterizando-se como uma religiosidade metainstitucional, pois não encontra barreiras institucionais, ou denominacionais, dada a sua maleabilidade e capacidade de combinação e por não ser dogmática. Tais modificações têm se reverberado no espaço público como controvérsias político-morais, colocando em questão os princípios da laicidade e da própria democracia. Diante disso, recorremos as reflexões de Jürgem Habermas sobre a legitimidade e os limites da religião no espaço público. Como também as obras de Paul Freston, Antônio Gouvea Mendonça e José Bittencourt filho para compreender os posicionamentos das igrejas evangélicas no decorrer da história recente. Como técnica de pesquisa, adotamos questionário online para coletar dados dos membros leigos, análise de sermões, ensinamentos e reflexões de líderes religiosos disponíveis nos canais de igrejas e pregadores na internet, e a observação participante. Utilizamos dois filmes norteamericanos com o intuito de comparar o ethos religioso conservador e inclusivo e a religiosidade brasileira. Como base teórico-metodológica nos firmamos na Sociologia Compreensiva de Max Weber. Concluímos que a religiosidade neopentecostal se faz presente cada vez mais, nas mais variadas igrejas, e sob diversos recortes e adaptações, portanto, uma religiosidade que atravessa, perpassa e permeia, em determinada medida, a religiosidade das variadas confessionalidades evangélicas brasileiras, por isso, tem se tornando uma religiosidade metainstitucional e que não tem limites.
We aimed to analyze the Brazilian evangelical religiosity and revisit the classic typologies that sediment most, if not all of them, researched on the evangelical field. It was in the 90’s that unprecedented research on the religious diversity of the evangelical world took place, mainly from the consolidation of the churches that became known as neopentecostals. Paul Freston's Doctoral Thesis and Ricardo Mariano's Master's Thesis have become mandatory references to understand the evolution, developments and diversity of the evangelical world. The typologies created to order and classify the various evangelical groups at that time were based on Max Weber's Comprehensive Sociology and, as we know, they cannot be understood as ontological categories, but as analytical instruments of reality, so they cannot crystallize and to dehistoricize. The problematic part of this question, since countless researches since then use the same typologies without making the proper reservations, not clarifying the changes in the religious practice of the faithful in many local churches that, in a few cases, put them in check. We did not aim to reconstruct such typologies, but we question their heuristic capacity to explain current religious manifestations in the evangelical field, as cultural transformations have increasingly blurred the denominational boundaries of these churches. Instead of greater diversity, we start from the hypothesis that neopentecostal religiosity has been assimilated to different degrees by the other evangelical churches, characterizing itself as a metainstitutional religiosity, because it does not find institutional or denominational barriers, given its malleability and ability to combine and for not being dogmatic. Such changes have reverberated in public space as political-moral controversies, calling into question the principles of secularism and democracy itself. Face this, we turn to Jürgem Habermas's reflections on the legitimacy and limits of religion in public space. As well as the works of Paul Freston, Antonio Gouvêa Mendonça and José Bittencourt Filho to understand the positions of the evangelical churches throughout recent history. As a research technique, we adopted an online questionnaire to collect lay member data, sermon analysis, teachings and reflections from religious leaders available on church and preacher channels on the Internet, and participant observation. We used two North American films to compare conservative and inclusive religious ethos and Brazilian religiosity. As a theoretical-methodological basis we stand in Max Weber's Comprehensive Sociology. We conclude that the neopentecostal religiosity is increasingly present in the most varied churches, and under various cuttings and adaptations, therefore, a religiosity that crosses, permeates and goes through, to a certain extent, the religiosity of the various Brazilian evangelical confessionalities, has become a metainstitutional religiosity and that has no limits.
We aimed to analyze the Brazilian evangelical religiosity and revisit the classic typologies that sediment most, if not all of them, researched on the evangelical field. It was in the 90’s that unprecedented research on the religious diversity of the evangelical world took place, mainly from the consolidation of the churches that became known as neopentecostals. Paul Freston's Doctoral Thesis and Ricardo Mariano's Master's Thesis have become mandatory references to understand the evolution, developments and diversity of the evangelical world. The typologies created to order and classify the various evangelical groups at that time were based on Max Weber's Comprehensive Sociology and, as we know, they cannot be understood as ontological categories, but as analytical instruments of reality, so they cannot crystallize and to dehistoricize. The problematic part of this question, since countless researches since then use the same typologies without making the proper reservations, not clarifying the changes in the religious practice of the faithful in many local churches that, in a few cases, put them in check. We did not aim to reconstruct such typologies, but we question their heuristic capacity to explain current religious manifestations in the evangelical field, as cultural transformations have increasingly blurred the denominational boundaries of these churches. Instead of greater diversity, we start from the hypothesis that neopentecostal religiosity has been assimilated to different degrees by the other evangelical churches, characterizing itself as a metainstitutional religiosity, because it does not find institutional or denominational barriers, given its malleability and ability to combine and for not being dogmatic. Such changes have reverberated in public space as political-moral controversies, calling into question the principles of secularism and democracy itself. Face this, we turn to Jürgem Habermas's reflections on the legitimacy and limits of religion in public space. As well as the works of Paul Freston, Antonio Gouvêa Mendonça and José Bittencourt Filho to understand the positions of the evangelical churches throughout recent history. As a research technique, we adopted an online questionnaire to collect lay member data, sermon analysis, teachings and reflections from religious leaders available on church and preacher channels on the Internet, and participant observation. We used two North American films to compare conservative and inclusive religious ethos and Brazilian religiosity. As a theoretical-methodological basis we stand in Max Weber's Comprehensive Sociology. We conclude that the neopentecostal religiosity is increasingly present in the most varied churches, and under various cuttings and adaptations, therefore, a religiosity that crosses, permeates and goes through, to a certain extent, the religiosity of the various Brazilian evangelical confessionalities, has become a metainstitutional religiosity and that has no limits.
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Palavras-chave
Sociologia da religião, Religiosidade neopentecostal, Neopentecostal metainstitucional, Sociology of religion, Neopentecostal religiosity, Metainstitutional neopentecostal