Conflitos territoriais na Amazônia: (des)identidades do trabalho e lutas de resistência na área de controle da UHE de Belo Monte (PA)
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Data
2017-08-22
Autores
Gomes e Silva, Ivana de Oliveira
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Universidade Estadual Paulista (Unesp)
Resumo
O presente estudo apresenta elementos que revelam a magnitude das atrocidades que envolvem a construção do UHE de Belo Monte (UHEBM), na região de Altamira (PA). Lançado em janeiro de 2007, sob efeito dos bons resultados da economia do primeiro mandato de Lula, o Plano de Aceleração do Crescimento – PAC, se caracterizou por ações e investimentos em grandes obras de infraestrutura em energia, transportes, incentivo a financiamentos e empréstimos para investimentos, via bancos estatais como Caixa Econômica Federal e BNDES, política de incentivos fiscais e tributários. A Usina Hidrelétrica de Belo Monte, apresentada durante os PAC 1 e 2, é um projeto concebido desde o período da ditadura militar, que sofreu forte rejeição da opinião pública pelos danos socioambientais incalculáveis que provocaria em sua primeira versão, denominada UHE Kararaô. A ampla mobilização contrária ao empreendimento teve como ápice o encontro dos povos indígenas do Xingu, em Altamira, ocorrida no ano de 1989. A pesquisa revela que um dos problemas mais graves a se considerar, é que parte significativa dos movimentos sociais, representativos das camadas populares regionais, que estavam organizados em períodos anteriores ao início das obras, e que se expressavam por décadas, favoráveis a modelos sustentáveis de desenvolvimento regional, foi lesada de forma visceral. Historicamente contrários ao empreendimento hidrelétrico na bacia do Rio Xingu, durante a gestão dos governos petistas, movimentos sociais organizados, foram envolvidos e contaminados pela coalisão governista, e a ela se adaptaram de forma autofágica. Sobreviveram organizações populares de base com menor volume, descapitalizadas e marginalizadas pelos grupos hegemônicos, com capilaridade significativas nas alianças externas e fragilizadas em âmbito local. O esvaziamento dos movimentos sociais de base popular foi parcialmente patrocinado por massivas campanhas de criminalização da resistência, por parte dos grupos favoráveis ao empreendimento. O movimento apoiador do empreendimento hidrelétrico na década de 2010, passou a ser composto não apenas por corporações e grupos empresariais, mas também por lideranças cooptadas pelo discurso “chapa branca”, signatários do governo, que abandonaram seus ideais anti-sistema, como os princípios do desenvolvimento sustentável regional. O paradoxo nessa diáspora, levou a população a testemunhar posicionamentos de trabalhadores atingidos diretamente pela obra, por se encontrarem nas cotas de inundação do lago, argumentando em favor do empreendimento, alegando que acompanhavam a ‘marcha do progresso’, da geração de emprego e renda, aceitando pífias ofertas de indenização em troca da aceitação de seus desterreamentos. No mesmo lócus, alguns de seus vizinhos e companheiros de lutas, com perfil socioeconômico semelhante, se contrapunham vigorosamente e denunciavam publicamente inúmeros desrespeitos aos direitos das populações atingidas, visíveis em acordos redigidos pelas corporações do empreendimento, que lesavam as comunidades originárias, tribos indígenas, comunidades ribeirinhas, pescadores, trabalhadores rurais e urbanos em geral. As iniciativas do Estado, encaminhadas pelo governo, nesse contexto, são analisadas como expressão da servilidade ao capital, que prioriza os intentos deste e desconsidera, reduz e degrada os seres humanos, considerando-os como meros custos de produção. A dessolidarização de classe, é percebida como a consequência mais trágica, em um contexto de destruição socioambiental crescente.
The following paper brings elements that shows the magnitudes of the atrocities that surrounds the UHE of Belo Monte (UHEBM) construction, in the Altamira region (PA). In a scenario of capital reorganization, from the “petista” governmental plan design named New Development, managed in the first half of the 2000s, the project is the biggest work of the Growing Acceleration Program (PAC in Portuguese). Launched in January 2007, under the good economic results of the Lula’s first office, the PAC was featured by investment actions in great infrastructure, energy and transportation constructions, by funding and loan benefits for investments sponsored by state banks such as Caixa Econômica Federal and BNDS and promotional tax policies.The Hydroelectric Plant of Belo Monte, shown during Pac 1 and Pac 2, is a project conceived since the military dictatorship period that suffered great popular opinion rejection because of the priceless socio-environmental damages which its first version would cause, named UHE Kararaô. The wide gathering against the project, had its peak in the meeting between the indian Xingu people, in Altamira city, which happened in the year of 1989. The research shows that one of the worst problems to be considered is that great part of the social movements organized before the construction starts, which clearly stated against the building, during the PT’s governments, were absorbed by the public administration, and today, they do not oppose to this model as they use to fight against in the past and also adapted themselves in a opportunist manner. There are only few social organizations with less opposing power left, where the emptying process was provocated by massive criminalization campaigns done through the political opposition government groups, formed in their basis by shirked leaderships of the biased toward the government, movements and by workers hit directly due to the construction, mainly because they were found in the lake flooding shares, and which publicly opposes the disregard of the population rights, being it original communities, indian tribes, riverside population, workers or urban population in general. These collectives have reported the infringement of the mitigatory constructions, traded and which are in the UHEBM project, such as sewage, hospitals, schools, etc. The open conflict scenarios, spread through a big social intra organization, and among capital (State/ builder concession) vs. workers that fight for their rights, has specific materialization of the capital (industrial, commercial, fictious in its entirety), in order to control the energy sources to ensure its auto expansion and accumulation, and not only territorially. The State efforts are analyzed as an expression of partnership with the capital, which focus in its attempts, ignoring, decaying and disregarding the human beings, which are considered simple production expenses.
The following paper brings elements that shows the magnitudes of the atrocities that surrounds the UHE of Belo Monte (UHEBM) construction, in the Altamira region (PA). In a scenario of capital reorganization, from the “petista” governmental plan design named New Development, managed in the first half of the 2000s, the project is the biggest work of the Growing Acceleration Program (PAC in Portuguese). Launched in January 2007, under the good economic results of the Lula’s first office, the PAC was featured by investment actions in great infrastructure, energy and transportation constructions, by funding and loan benefits for investments sponsored by state banks such as Caixa Econômica Federal and BNDS and promotional tax policies.The Hydroelectric Plant of Belo Monte, shown during Pac 1 and Pac 2, is a project conceived since the military dictatorship period that suffered great popular opinion rejection because of the priceless socio-environmental damages which its first version would cause, named UHE Kararaô. The wide gathering against the project, had its peak in the meeting between the indian Xingu people, in Altamira city, which happened in the year of 1989. The research shows that one of the worst problems to be considered is that great part of the social movements organized before the construction starts, which clearly stated against the building, during the PT’s governments, were absorbed by the public administration, and today, they do not oppose to this model as they use to fight against in the past and also adapted themselves in a opportunist manner. There are only few social organizations with less opposing power left, where the emptying process was provocated by massive criminalization campaigns done through the political opposition government groups, formed in their basis by shirked leaderships of the biased toward the government, movements and by workers hit directly due to the construction, mainly because they were found in the lake flooding shares, and which publicly opposes the disregard of the population rights, being it original communities, indian tribes, riverside population, workers or urban population in general. These collectives have reported the infringement of the mitigatory constructions, traded and which are in the UHEBM project, such as sewage, hospitals, schools, etc. The open conflict scenarios, spread through a big social intra organization, and among capital (State/ builder concession) vs. workers that fight for their rights, has specific materialization of the capital (industrial, commercial, fictious in its entirety), in order to control the energy sources to ensure its auto expansion and accumulation, and not only territorially. The State efforts are analyzed as an expression of partnership with the capital, which focus in its attempts, ignoring, decaying and disregarding the human beings, which are considered simple production expenses.
Descrição
Palavras-chave
Geografia do Trabalho, Movimentos Sociais, Usinas Hidrelétricas, Capital (Economia), Amazônia, Geography of the work, Social movements, Hydroelectric power plants, Capital